A strategic milestone

M.R.Dua

PM Modi with U.S. Secretary Mike Pompeo, Secretary James Mattis, Sushma Swaraj and Nirmala Sitharaman

Widely commended and univocally welcomed, the India-America deal, popularly termed 2+2 Dialogue is the new cornerstone of bilateral relations of the world’s two largest democracies. This agreement was described as ‘a foundational defence partnership’ between India and the U.S. However, the moot question is : how far and how much will the Trump administration the terms of the twice-postponed 2+2 Dialogue? This question arises because President Trump is known for changing his decisions.
India’s accord with the US is probably the second most monumental agreement signed in recent years during a Republican President’s regime, the first being during President George W. Bush’s White House term. It was then known as a ‘strategic milestone,’ relating to civil nuclear cooperation, signed in 2005, and operationalized in 2008.
This time when the two senior members of the Donald Trump cabinet, secretary of state Michael Pompeo and defence secretary James Mattis, met India’s external minister Sushma Swaraj, and defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman, and cleared several security defence and energy--related projects on September 6 in New Delhi.
‘It was more than a meeting,’ proclaimed Alice Well, a senior official of the Trump administration, the principal deputy assistant secretary of state for south and central Asia, who was a member of the U.S. negotiating team in Delhi. She further added, ‘we view it as a strategic milestone about our shared vision for the future.’
The 10-year deal is believed to have already come into effect. Another top US defence official, Marine General Joseph Dunford, who accompanied the U.S. team, termed the dialogue as ‘an historic opportunity to develop our growing partnership and explore ways of enhancing our security cooperation.’ There’s no doubt that the 2+2 deal is full of potentials, subject, of course, to the US President Trump’s whims and fancies.
The September 6 deal has identified at least half a dozen projects under the umbrella of COMCASA— communications compatibility and security. In real terms, it is deemed to be a basic and ‘foundational imperative’ for the India-U.S. military ties. Under this arrangement,the U.S. and India will review and monitor national security implications, outlined earlier in the 2016 agreements. For India, the COMCASA is expected ‘to facilitate access to advanced defence systems and enable India to optimally utilize its existing US-origin platforms,’and the supply of the sensitive defence equipment and armed version of Guardian drones. Yet another item in the accord includes, a Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), for ‘sharing advanced satellite data for navigation and missile targeting’ would replenish India’s defence. Incidentally, India has purchased defence equipment from the U.S worth nearly $15 billion in the last 10 years.

It’s good to hope for a bright future for Indo-US ties. But it must not be overlooked that President Trump’s own residency is perilously hung on the Special Counsel, Robert Mueller’s report of his probe into the alleged dubious means adopted by the multi-layered Trump campaign with Russian spies for winning the 2016 presidential election, and many other fraudulent irregularities resorted by his poll staff for over two years during 2015 and 2016.

It’s firmly believed that that these ‘advanced’ systems may not be of any great use for India due to some inherent restrictions listed in the agreement—but not yet made public. At the same time, it’s also true that America has entered into such an agreement only with some of its select allies.
The US is still to give its consent to India’s progamme to buy S-400 missile system from Russia. India is determined to go ahead with this purchase at any cost strengthen to its ties with Russia. In addition to the COMCASA, the U.S. has reportedly mounted intense influence on India to sign and upgrade its trade with it, so as to bring its balance of trade with Washington at bilaterally--acceptable levels. President Trump has expressed his earnest wish ‘to start doing a trade deal, first time with India.’
Meanwhile, the two countries will regularly conduct ‘tri-military exercises’ with their army, navy and air force. Though the U.S. has not yet adequately comprehended India’s innate need and compulsion to buy Iranian oil, America desires that India should cease or dramatically cut down the quantity, by November 4 next, that New Delhi proposes to buy from Tehran. True, President Trump has declared his instinctive ‘likeness’ and ‘friendship’ with Prime Minister Modi. Still, no one is sure whether the president would revise his decisions on H1-B visa for Indian workers in the U.S.
Trump has reportedly issued many terse statements on trade and tariffs on Indian goods. However, India fervently hopes that the U.S. will waive sanctions on India’s purchase of Iranian oil, and Russian defence equipment, particularly the S-400 ‘Triumf’ air defence missile system. This has been finalized with Moscow, and may be signed with the Russian President Vladimir Putin when Modi visits Moscow for his annual summit.
India also expects America’s diplomatic and political support on its numerous conflicting issues with China, e.g., Beijing’s implicit, sometimes even clear direct, pitch for Pakistan, besides its vote on many of India’s crucial global matters which are stuck in the UN security council.
Of late, as revealed by a recent book on Trump’s nearly 20-month duration in the White House, U.S. President Trump has reportedly expressed immense fondness for Narendra Modi.
As it happens, India seems to be privy to enjoying American president’s abundant goodwill and excellent camaraderie. One senior White House official recently predicted the widening parameters of the Indo-U.S.mutual relationship forecasting: ‘We have a very full and ambitious agenda for the 2+2, including advancing our shared vision for the Indo-Pacific,’ and many other ‘concrete outcomes.’
Finally, it’s good to hope for a bright future for Indo-US ties. But it must not be overlooked that President Trump’s own residency is perilously hung on the Special Counsel, Robert Mueller’s report of his probe into the alleged dubious means adopted by the multi-layered Trump campaign with Russian spies for winning the 2016 presidential election, and many other fraudulent irregularities resorted by his poll staff for over two years during 2015 and 2016.



		EDITOR'S MAIL EDITOR'S COMMENT ECONOMIC SCENARIO ECONOMIC SCENARIO FRANKLY SPEAKING REALPOLITIK CARING FOR THE NEEDY SIGNS OF THE TIMES UNSMART CITIES M.P POLITICS SOUTHERN TRENDS PUNJAB POLITICS WEST BENGAL POLITICS TIBET’S FUTURE 2+2 DEAL Imran’s naya PakIstan ? PAGE FROM HISTORY PAK POWER GAMES GLOBAL AFFAIRS REVIEW HITS & MISSES SPORTS DIARY BOOK BAZAAR BOOK BAZAAR HONOURING THE BRAVE YOGA IN DAILY LIFE ART OF LIVING Issue:October' 2018 Subscribe Now	2+2 DEAL A strategic milestone M.R.Dua PM Modi with U.S. Secretary Mike Pompeo, Secretary James Mattis, Sushma Swaraj and Nirmala Sitharaman Widely commended and univocally welcomed, the India-America deal, popularly termed 2+2 Dialogue is the new cornerstone of bilateral relations of the world’s two largest democracies. This agreement was described as ‘a foundational defence partnership’ between India and the U.S. However, the moot question is : how far and how much will the Trump administration the terms of the twice-postponed 2+2 Dialogue? This question arises because President Trump is known for changing his decisions. India’s accord with the US is probably the second most monumental agreement signed in recent years during a Republican President’s regime, the first being during President George W. Bush’s White House term. It was then known as a ‘strategic milestone,’ relating to civil nuclear cooperation, signed in 2005, and operationalized in 2008. This time when the two senior members of the Donald Trump cabinet, secretary of state Michael Pompeo and defence secretary James Mattis, met India’s external minister Sushma Swaraj, and defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman, and cleared several security defence and energy--related projects on September 6 in New Delhi. ‘It was more than a meeting,’ proclaimed Alice Well, a senior official of the Trump administration, the principal deputy assistant secretary of state for south and central Asia, who was a member of the U.S. negotiating team in Delhi. She further added, ‘we view it as a strategic milestone about our shared vision for the future.’ The 10-year deal is believed to have already come into effect. Another top US defence official, Marine General Joseph Dunford, who accompanied the U.S. team, termed the dialogue as ‘an historic opportunity to develop our growing partnership and explore ways of enhancing our security cooperation.’ There’s no doubt that the 2+2 deal is full of potentials, subject, of course, to the US President Trump’s whims and fancies. The September 6 deal has identified at least half a dozen projects under the umbrella of COMCASA— communications compatibility and security. In real terms, it is deemed to be a basic and ‘foundational imperative’ for the India-U.S. military ties. Under this arrangement,the U.S. and India will review and monitor national security implications, outlined earlier in the 2016 agreements. For India, the COMCASA is expected ‘to facilitate access to advanced defence systems and enable India to optimally utilize its existing US-origin platforms,’and the supply of the sensitive defence equipment and armed version of Guardian drones. Yet another item in the accord includes, a Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), for ‘sharing advanced satellite data for navigation and missile targeting’ would replenish India’s defence. Incidentally, India has purchased defence equipment from the U.S worth nearly $15 billion in the last 10 years. It’s good to hope for a bright future for Indo-US ties. But it must not be overlooked that President Trump’s own residency is perilously hung on the Special Counsel, Robert Mueller’s report of his probe into the alleged dubious means adopted by the multi-layered Trump campaign with Russian spies for winning the 2016 presidential election, and many other fraudulent irregularities resorted by his poll staff for over two years during 2015 and 2016. It’s firmly believed that that these ‘advanced’ systems may not be of any great use for India due to some inherent restrictions listed in the agreement—but not yet made public. At the same time, it’s also true that America has entered into such an agreement only with some of its select allies. The US is still to give its consent to India’s progamme to buy S-400 missile system from Russia. India is determined to go ahead with this purchase at any cost strengthen to its ties with Russia. In addition to the COMCASA, the U.S. has reportedly mounted intense influence on India to sign and upgrade its trade with it, so as to bring its balance of trade with Washington at bilaterally--acceptable levels. President Trump has expressed his earnest wish ‘to start doing a trade deal, first time with India.’ Meanwhile, the two countries will regularly conduct ‘tri-military exercises’ with their army, navy and air force. Though the U.S. has not yet adequately comprehended India’s innate need and compulsion to buy Iranian oil, America desires that India should cease or dramatically cut down the quantity, by November 4 next, that New Delhi proposes to buy from Tehran. True, President Trump has declared his instinctive ‘likeness’ and ‘friendship’ with Prime Minister Modi. Still, no one is sure whether the president would revise his decisions on H1-B visa for Indian workers in the U.S. Trump has reportedly issued many terse statements on trade and tariffs on Indian goods. However, India fervently hopes that the U.S. will waive sanctions on India’s purchase of Iranian oil, and Russian defence equipment, particularly the S-400 ‘Triumf’ air defence missile system. This has been finalized with Moscow, and may be signed with the Russian President Vladimir Putin when Modi visits Moscow for his annual summit. India also expects America’s diplomatic and political support on its numerous conflicting issues with China, e.g., Beijing’s implicit, sometimes even clear direct, pitch for Pakistan, besides its vote on many of India’s crucial global matters which are stuck in the UN security council. Of late, as revealed by a recent book on Trump’s nearly 20-month duration in the White House, U.S. President Trump has reportedly expressed immense fondness for Narendra Modi. As it happens, India seems to be privy to enjoying American president’s abundant goodwill and excellent camaraderie. One senior White House official recently predicted the widening parameters of the Indo-U.S.mutual relationship forecasting: ‘We have a very full and ambitious agenda for the 2+2, including advancing our shared vision for the Indo-Pacific,’ and many other ‘concrete outcomes.’ Finally, it’s good to hope for a bright future for Indo-US ties. But it must not be overlooked that President Trump’s own residency is perilously hung on the Special Counsel, Robert Mueller’s report of his probe into the alleged dubious means adopted by the multi-layered Trump campaign with Russian spies for winning the 2016 presidential election, and many other fraudulent irregularities resorted by his poll staff for over two years during 2015 and 2016.