Need for a genuine
democracy
Hari Jaisingh
Omar Abdullah
After being released
from detention in
the Srinagar
subsidiary jail at
Hari Niwas where he
had been held for
over seven months under the Public Safety Act, former J & K
Minister and National Conference
leader Omar Abdullah said: "We
have to first fight coronavirus.
Second, all of our people who are
incarcerated in jails, within or
outside J & K in these difficult
times, the Centre should release
them and bring them home".
Mehbooba Mufti
He
needs to be complimented for this
remark. It is, of course, difficult to
say when PDP leader Mehbooba
Mufti and others would be
released by the Centre. We keep
our fingers crossed and avoid any
guess work on Kashmir's
complexities. As it is, there are
wheels within wheels and we
cannot be sure which wheel is set
in motion by the powers-that-be.
Farooq Abdullah with his family after his release
Still, I feel that the political
complexion of Kashmir would
undergo dramatic changes during the months ahead. Farooq
Abdullah is now a free man,
though for the present he is lying
low. Nearly 4,000 political
workers and young men who are said to be "stone-pelters" are still
under detention. This gives us
mixed signals about Kashmir's
normalcy.
Farooq Abdullah is also
known to have once
praised Narendra Modi.
He defended him after
the 2002 riots while
addressing a gathering in
Ahmedabad.
Interestingly, he then
said he longed for the
day when he would see
Allah in Modi's eyes and
in turn Modi would see
Bhagwan in his eyes!
What a powerful
statement coming from a
Kashmiri leader!
Farooq Abdullah (83) is, of course, the tallest living
mainstream Kashmir leader.
Son of Sheikh Mohammed
Abdullah, I have known him
personally as a leader of
substance who invariably battled
for India within his own state and at international fora. He tried to
move the state away from its
"conflicted past" in the face of
politico-religious voices which
opposed Kashmir's accession to
India. In the process, his visible
popularity among the people
reportedly suffered considerably.
The BJP talks of "Naya
Kashmir". I am not sure of
the BJP's range and
dimension of "Naya
Kashmir". It has tried to
make Kashmir's old-time
politicians irrelevant to
the futuristic scene. This
is easier to talk about
than make it operational
on the ground.
Most of the time, Farooq stuck
to his pro-India position. New
Delhi actually put him globally on
the forefront on the human rights
issue in Kashmir. He was once a
part of the team to Geneva led by
the then Opposition leader, Atal
Behari Vajpayee. It was then
reported that Abdullah had given
a tough time to the Pakistani side,
claiming to be Kashmiri by asking
them: "Can you speak in
Kashmiri"?
To me, Farooq Abdullah has a
multi-dimensional personality. At
times, I have felt that he is a
staunch nationalist, grounded in
secularism. He would flaunt his
secular credentials even by
singing bhajans at Hindu religious
gatherings. He also would have no
hesitation in saying Bharat Mata
Ki Jai. He did so during an allparty
prayer meeting for former Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari
Vajpayee!
He hardly felt upset when he
was later heckled by his Kashmiri
people during Eid prayers. His
statements often shocked his
supporters and baiters alike over
the years. However, he has
perfected the art of playing
double-edged politics.
Soon after Kashmiri militant
Afzal Guru was hanged in 2013,
Farooq Abdullah said Guru had
got a fair trial, overturning in the
process his son Omar Abdullah's
statement decrying his execution.
Farooq Abdullah is also known
to have once praised Narendra
Modi. He defended him after the
2002 riots while addressing a
gathering in Ahmedabad.
Interestingly, he then said he
longed for the day when he would
see Allah in Modi's eyes and in
turn Modi would see Bhagwan in
his eyes! What a powerful
statement coming from a
Kashmiri leader!
Against this backdrop, I
sometimes wonder why Prime
Minister Narendra Modi's BJP
establishment persons acted
against Farooq Abdullah and
detained him under the PSA
(Public Safety Act) provisions.
Did
they fail to assess him correctly?
Why did they overlook the fact
that he could with ease owe
allegiance to India while putting
pressure on separatists for an
acceptable solution to the
Kashmir issue?
I know that tackling the
Kashmir issue is not all that easy.
It, however, must be said that the
PSA politics has given a new twist
to Kashmir affairs.
The BJP talks of "Naya
Kashmir". I am not sure of the
BJP's range and dimension of
"Naya Kashmir". It has tried to
make Kashmir's old-time
politicians irrelevant to the
futuristic scene. This is easier to
talk about than make it
operational on the ground.
The problem with the
Central leaders of the BJP
is that they give the
impression that they know
answers to Kashmir's
problem. But, alas, they
know so little! For that
matter, neither Congress
leaders nor other
opposition leaders know
how to deal with the
complexities of the Valley.
They have all been groping
in the dark for years.
'Autonomous Kashmir' of
yesteryears, was, a different
game. The 'political space' then was flexible and wide open both
for stooges and separatists, which
kept an open space for Paksponsored
militants and
separatists.
Pakistan then had virtually a
free play for the politics of the
gun. But following the scrapping
of Article 370 by the Centre,
things have changed drastically in
the Valley. Ladakh is now no
longer at the whims and fancies of
the ruling lords in Srinagar.
The
people there are now enjoying a
new sense of freedom as Union
Territory. The same is the case of
Jammu, which has always felt
social and economic
discrimination as dictated by the
ruling clique in Srinagar.
I am firmly of the view that
both Kashmir and Jammu should
have been recast as separate
states, and not as Union
Territories. The label of 'Union
Territory' was actually an insult to
the people of Jammu and
Kashmir.
The problem with the Central
leaders of the BJP is that they give
the impression that they know
answers to Kashmir's problem.
Sheikh Abdullah and
Jawaharlal Nehru
But, alas, they know so little! For
that matter, neither Congress
leaders nor other opposition
leaders hardly know how to deal
with the complexities of the
Valley. They have all been groping
in the dark for years.
I must restate that merely
changing governors or power
brokers does not constitute a
policy or strategy. We did not
have a coherent policy in 1947
under the Nehru regime. We do not have one today. In its
absence, we look towards the
poltroons, strutting about in the
streets of Srinagar, to bail us out
of the impasse we have landed
ourselves in.
As for those who are entrusted
with Kashmir affairs at the Centre,
their thoughts are concentrated
on their rating with their seniors
in New Delhi, and not on what is
good for the country or the
people. Such exercises can only
be futile.
Jammu and Kashmir as a whole
is rather unique. It contains three distinct ethnic groups. May I ask:
Why did the state not get
trifurcated during the
reorganization of states on the
basis of language? Perhaps, this
was part of the concession given to Sheikh Abdullah by Jawaharlal
Nehru? The rulers, apparently, did
not have the courage of
conviction and allowed Kashmir
matters to drift.
In today's situation, we
can easily fix Pakistan.
We must realize that time
does not resolve
complex problems. Only
political will can. For that
we have to learn from
our past failures. Mere
shadow-boxing cannot
take us very far.
Zia-ul-Haq
It is no use going into the
ifs and buts of history. We
have already paid a heavy
price for our past mistakes
and blunders. Our leaders
overlooked the fact that Kashmir
has been part of the Indian
civilization from time
immemorial. So was Kashmiriat.
The fear of losing Kashmir's
identity, as propagated by
separatists, has been nothing but
a false alarm and part of the
pressure tactics by those who are
opposed to India.
It is true that the Valley had not
been communalised during
Partition. But after that, the National Conference and the
Congress in their competition for
power contributed to the politics
of communalism. Even Sheikh Abdullah did not hesitate to make
communal appeals.
In fact, Kashmir's is
a tragic story of the failures
of our leaders.
As for Pakistan, it added a new
factor of terrorism in the name of
"Operation Topac" organized by
General Zia-ul-Haq as part of his
wanting to take revenge against
this country.
In today's situation, we can
easily fix Pakistan. We must
realize that time does not resolve
complex problems. Only political
will can. For that we have to learn
from our past failures. Mere
shadow-boxing cannot take us
very far.
Equally crucial is the adoption
of a tough posture towards the
cult of the gun so that the people
in the Valley feel reassured about
a shift away from the militant
umbrella! Finally, a genuine
people's democracy is the only
answer to Kashmir's complex
problems.