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REALPOLITIK
When will Delhi fight terror in Kashmir ?Jagdish N Singh
The February 14 Pulwama fidayeen
attack offers yet another evidence that
the saffron party’s Narendra Modi-led
government at our Centre is no better
than its predecessors in fighting terror
in India’s Kashmir and making the
Valley safe to return for its own citizens--
m i n o r i t i e s
Hindus and Sikhs,
in particular—
who had to flee
the state in the
wake of Islamist
violence in the
1990s. I wonder why the Modi government has not taken appropriate steps to put in place an effective intelligence and security mechanism to foil such terror attacks. What the Pakistan-based Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM), headed by Masood Azhar, claimed to have done on February 14 was not a first one. The sources say it was its second fidayeen attack in Pulwama. On December 31, 2017, the JeM employed a local youth to carry out a fidayeen attack on a CRPF camp. The JeM introduced first ever fidayeen or suicide attack in the state on November 3, 1999, when a Srinagar boy, along with another militant, drove an improvised explosive device-laden car into the Badamibagh Cantonment in Srinagar. In 2001, it killed at least 38 people when a car full of explosives drove into the J&K Legislative Assembly complex. The outfit has carried more attacks on the security forces than the Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) and the Hizbul Mujahideen (HM)outfits in the past two months. If our intelligence were effective , it would have been impossible for a Jaish fidayeen sports utility vehicle, laden with a huge quantity of explosives, to target the convoy of 78 buses carrying about 2,500 soldiers from Jammu to Kashmir on February 14. If New Delhi really wants to fight terror, it must discard its continuing political paralysis, embrace the tool of self-defence to protect our Nation and target all anti-India terror masterminds, wherever they may be hiding . New Delhi can do so by imparting a functional autonomy to our intelligence and security mechanism . New Delhi does not need not to look to other world capitals for this. Experience is they never really backed our fight against terror. It would be naive to expect anything better today. Washington, arguably the most important world capital , is unlikely to be tough with Islamabad-sponsored terrorism in India. It is seeking Islamabad’ help in clinching a deal with the Afghan Taliban. Beijing, an important world power player in our neighbourhood, continues to defeat our efforts at the United Nations to put Azhar on the list of banned terrorists. Shielding the terror source
A clear message
from Saudi Arabia’s
Crown Prince
Mohammed bin
Salman’s visit to
Pakistan and India
last month is :
Islamabad is still far
dearer to Riyadh
than New Delhi is .
During his Pakistan
visit , Salman
declared himself an
“ambassador of
Pakistan.” He signed
$20 billion in investment deals with Islamabad.
And the Crown Prince truly proved himself to be
Pakistan’s ambassador when he was later in
India. In his statement, Salman evaded the Modi focus and just said his country would cooperate with India in tackling terrorism, including sharing of intelligence. Observers say Riyadh’s bias in favour of Islamabad is hardly surprising . Salman needs to keep the Pakistan Army in good humour for the Kingdom’s internal security and foreign policy objectives in the emerging Afghan scenario and in the context of its continuing race with Iran for influence across the changing Muslim world. Struggle for reforms
Muhammad Mossadegh
Last month, Iran celebrated the
40th anniversary of its February
11 , 1979 Revolution. One saw the
images of the huge rallies on
television in celebration of the
occasion. Is the Islamic Republic
as strong as one may imagine
from such images? Or the rallies
were just regime-orchestrated
ones? Progressive elements are unlikely to rest until they have full reforms. The literacy rate among Iran’s adult population today is around 93%. This is likely to help the movement for reforms. Women have recently come out against the mandatory headscarf. |