Sons rise

V Krishnamurthy

Kalvakuntla Taraka Rama Rao Information Technology, Municipal Administration and Urban Development, Textiles and NRI Affairs… a diverse and a challenging range of portfolios to be handled by one minister, especially when he is relatively inexperienced, has a NRI background to his earlier apolitical career and does not possess the image of a typical Indian politician.
But here one is talking about a candidate in question, Kalvakuntla Taraka Rama Rao, 40, who is a legatee of a successful political legacy, championed by his father. KTR, as he is popularly called, is the son of legendary Telangana leader K Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), who led the separate statehood movement for more than a decade and is now firmly ensconced in power at Hyderabad ever since the state was carved out in June 2014.
This factor alone seems to be in his favour as he and his sister, K Kavitha, a MP from Nizamabad constituency have taken control of the state affairs and also the fate of its politics as it prepares itself for a sustained run at the apex level for a longer time to come, beginning with the forthcoming elections in 2019.
Indeed, that is a good two years away at the time of writing. But succession planners and those who fancy themselves to be CEOs of their states rather than CMs have a corporate approach for sure to their moves. One can hence be sure that this must have been the prime thought behind the anointment of Nara Lokesh as a cabinet minister in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh, where the Telugu Desam Party rode back to power in 2014, dethroning a rudderless Congress.

Keeping the party supporters at the lowest level wooed and also becoming the accessible face of governance and charisma of the top leader are the two most important priorities for the sons of their famous fathers, from here on.

Chandrababu Naidu The Grand Old Party had encountered a double whammy - failing to capitalise on the goodwill about granting a separate state to meet the aspirations of the local populace in Telangana and facing its adverse impact in the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh.
There is a fundamental difference to the rise of the second generation in the Telugu state politics. Firstly, KTR has been visible in the political firmament for a longer time than his younger counterpart Lokesh, as he was part of his father's campaign team and also the tech-friendly, modern face for over a decade now. His grassroot connections are stronger, his abilities to woo investors and the public at large have shown good results and above all, he is the clear successor to his father, whenever it happens.
Lokesh, on the other hand, was more of a homespun talent who was the backroom boy managing the family business in dairy management and also sharing the NRI exposure like KTR. Chandrababu Naidu had to himself wait for a decade to return to power, a possibility which had been boosted with his strategic alignment with Modi in 2014, giving him the edge over a rampaging Jaganmohan Reddy and his YSR Congress Party, founded in memory of his famed father, Dr Y S Rajasekhara Reddy.

Jaganmohan Reddy Having assumed the mantle, Naidu had launched the grand, new capital plan for setting up a greenfield city at Amaravati which kept him away from the humdrum of people management within his cabinet, which was otherwise too carefully handpicked. With the recent MLC elections done and dusted, in which TDP did not win handsomely, Naidu decided to offload the rigours of day-to-day management to his son, an MLC who has now also become a minister in charge of Information Technology, Panchayati Raj and Rural Development.
Keeping the party supporters at the lowest level wooed and also becoming the accessible face of governance and charisma of the top leader are the two most important priorities for the sons of their famous fathers, from here on. By no means is it an easy routine, given that both the fathers have launched and introduced schemes and policies which have given enough cannon fodder for the raucous opposition parties. The Bharatiya Janata Party, which has for the umpteenth time spoken in favour of seriously pitching for the support of the locals in their bid to maintain their hold at the Centre in 2019, has a readymade issue in the form of reservation to Muslims, which the KCR government has introduced at 12 per cent. A natural issue for them to bounce around with, the BJP, has decided to calibrate it to the next level and hold protests all through Telangana. With Amit Shah and his team proving that Hindu consolidation can offset the need for Muslim appeasement as far as UP elections went, the BJP, which has a strong Muslim opposition to its quest for expansion in the state is gearing up for the BJP President's guidance, during his May trip.

Like in Tamil Nadu, where the BJP has to keep its direct interference to the bare minimum and leverage its unseen moves, the two Telugu states too seem to be struggling to adhere to a workable plan to meet the saffron party on their own terms.

In Andhra Pradesh, the YSRCP has kept the agitation mode going on virtually everything the TDP government introduces or proposes and is still appealing to a section of the public, who remain its supporters.
Issues like the new capital Amaravati, the flip flop on the Special Category Status which Naidu seems to have given up chasing with New Delhi and routine governance issues all have given it enough momentum.
Added to it is the Lokesh issue, with his mission to spread the TDP presence among the unconverted, which has made them wake up to protect its turf in the Rayalaseema region which it wrested from the ruling party, to the extent of winning the maximum seats from the CM's home district.
Like in Tamil Nadu, where the BJP has to keep its direct interference to the bare minimum and leverage its unseen moves, the two Telugu states too seem to be struggling to adhere to a workable plan to meet the saffron party on their own terms. It may not be victory march for the BJP yet, still, it has its own strong points with which it has both the Chandras – Chandrashekar and Chandrababu- in a defensive, slowed-down modewhen they deal with the NDA government. Altering this situation to emerge stronger would surely be a challenge which the scions would like to take up, if they are allowed to, by their battle-scarred fathers.



		EDITOR'S MAIL MATTERS OF PUBLIC POLICY FRANKLY SPEAKING FARMERS' SUICIDES REALPOLITIK WHITHER AAP MODI'S FOREIGN POLICY CHINA'S NEW SILK ROAD DALAI LAMA ARUNACHAL VISIT ISLAMISTS IN CHINA STATE OF EDUCATION STATE OF EDUCATION BHOPAL NOTEBOOK BENGAL POINTERS TELUGU STATES BJP IN KERALA CHANDIGARH DIARY HITS & MISSES OLYMPIC SPIRIT AMERICA WATCH PAKISTAN WATCH SIGNS OF THE TIMES INTERVIEW OBITUARY BOOK BAZAAR BOOK BAZAAR BOOK BAZAAR CRIME AGAINST WOMEN SECULARISM IN INDIA ART OF LIVING Issue:June' 2017 Subscribe Now	TELUGU STATES Sons rise V Krishnamurthy Kalvakuntla Taraka Rama Rao Information Technology, Municipal Administration and Urban Development, Textiles and NRI Affairs… a diverse and a challenging range of portfolios to be handled by one minister, especially when he is relatively inexperienced, has a NRI background to his earlier apolitical career and does not possess the image of a typical Indian politician. But here one is talking about a candidate in question, Kalvakuntla Taraka Rama Rao, 40, who is a legatee of a successful political legacy, championed by his father. KTR, as he is popularly called, is the son of legendary Telangana leader K Chandrashekar Rao (KCR), who led the separate statehood movement for more than a decade and is now firmly ensconced in power at Hyderabad ever since the state was carved out in June 2014. This factor alone seems to be in his favour as he and his sister, K Kavitha, a MP from Nizamabad constituency have taken control of the state affairs and also the fate of its politics as it prepares itself for a sustained run at the apex level for a longer time to come, beginning with the forthcoming elections in 2019. Indeed, that is a good two years away at the time of writing. But succession planners and those who fancy themselves to be CEOs of their states rather than CMs have a corporate approach for sure to their moves. One can hence be sure that this must have been the prime thought behind the anointment of Nara Lokesh as a cabinet minister in neighbouring Andhra Pradesh, where the Telugu Desam Party rode back to power in 2014, dethroning a rudderless Congress. Keeping the party supporters at the lowest level wooed and also becoming the accessible face of governance and charisma of the top leader are the two most important priorities for the sons of their famous fathers, from here on. Chandrababu Naidu The Grand Old Party had encountered a double whammy - failing to capitalise on the goodwill about granting a separate state to meet the aspirations of the local populace in Telangana and facing its adverse impact in the residuary state of Andhra Pradesh. There is a fundamental difference to the rise of the second generation in the Telugu state politics. Firstly, KTR has been visible in the political firmament for a longer time than his younger counterpart Lokesh, as he was part of his father's campaign team and also the tech-friendly, modern face for over a decade now. His grassroot connections are stronger, his abilities to woo investors and the public at large have shown good results and above all, he is the clear successor to his father, whenever it happens. Lokesh, on the other hand, was more of a homespun talent who was the backroom boy managing the family business in dairy management and also sharing the NRI exposure like KTR. Chandrababu Naidu had to himself wait for a decade to return to power, a possibility which had been boosted with his strategic alignment with Modi in 2014, giving him the edge over a rampaging Jaganmohan Reddy and his YSR Congress Party, founded in memory of his famed father, Dr Y S Rajasekhara Reddy. Jaganmohan Reddy Having assumed the mantle, Naidu had launched the grand, new capital plan for setting up a greenfield city at Amaravati which kept him away from the humdrum of people management within his cabinet, which was otherwise too carefully handpicked. With the recent MLC elections done and dusted, in which TDP did not win handsomely, Naidu decided to offload the rigours of day-to-day management to his son, an MLC who has now also become a minister in charge of Information Technology, Panchayati Raj and Rural Development. Keeping the party supporters at the lowest level wooed and also becoming the accessible face of governance and charisma of the top leader are the two most important priorities for the sons of their famous fathers, from here on. By no means is it an easy routine, given that both the fathers have launched and introduced schemes and policies which have given enough cannon fodder for the raucous opposition parties. The Bharatiya Janata Party, which has for the umpteenth time spoken in favour of seriously pitching for the support of the locals in their bid to maintain their hold at the Centre in 2019, has a readymade issue in the form of reservation to Muslims, which the KCR government has introduced at 12 per cent. A natural issue for them to bounce around with, the BJP, has decided to calibrate it to the next level and hold protests all through Telangana. With Amit Shah and his team proving that Hindu consolidation can offset the need for Muslim appeasement as far as UP elections went, the BJP, which has a strong Muslim opposition to its quest for expansion in the state is gearing up for the BJP President's guidance, during his May trip. Like in Tamil Nadu, where the BJP has to keep its direct interference to the bare minimum and leverage its unseen moves, the two Telugu states too seem to be struggling to adhere to a workable plan to meet the saffron party on their own terms. In Andhra Pradesh, the YSRCP has kept the agitation mode going on virtually everything the TDP government introduces or proposes and is still appealing to a section of the public, who remain its supporters. Issues like the new capital Amaravati, the flip flop on the Special Category Status which Naidu seems to have given up chasing with New Delhi and routine governance issues all have given it enough momentum. Added to it is the Lokesh issue, with his mission to spread the TDP presence among the unconverted, which has made them wake up to protect its turf in the Rayalaseema region which it wrested from the ruling party, to the extent of winning the maximum seats from the CM's home district. Like in Tamil Nadu, where the BJP has to keep its direct interference to the bare minimum and leverage its unseen moves, the two Telugu states too seem to be struggling to adhere to a workable plan to meet the saffron party on their own terms. It may not be victory march for the BJP yet, still, it has its own strong points with which it has both the Chandras – Chandrashekar and Chandrababu- in a defensive, slowed-down modewhen they deal with the NDA government. Altering this situation to emerge stronger would surely be a challenge which the scions would like to take up, if they are allowed to, by their battle-scarred fathers.