Gearing it to faster progress

Salman Haidar

There is no obvious connection between foreign policy and good governance.
Normally, when we talk about good governance, we have in mind well-organized management of public affairs in a manner that yields maximum benefit and adds to the general well-being of the population. The realms of economic development and social progress are among the most important areas of public activity where good governance is measured and tangible issues of nation-wide management come under scrutiny.
But when it comes to external affairs it is a different picture and our area of interest cannot be limited to the affairs of the nation alone. The government we elect is one of many comparable authorities in the world, taking their place in the United Nations and jockeying with each other in a never-ending quest to achieve national goals, often at the expense of others engaged in a similar endeavour.
Traditionally, foreign policy has been regarded as open territory where the rules of orderly and ethical behaviour as applicable to national affairs do not necessarily apply. There is no end to adages from many cultures and national literatures that highlight the amorality of the diplomatic

Though new difficulties have arisen, India is advancing and becoming a weightier factor in international affairs. It may still be some time before it can achieve its aspirations for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council but its strengthening international role is not to be denied. India has always been a staunch supporter of the United Nations where it has done much to strengthen international peace and good order.
Having been a frequent victim of terrorism, it has taken the lead in trying to concert international action to avert danger from that source.

world, wherein countries are customarily seen to vie with each other for preeminence, no holds barred; indeed, shrinking from action owing to excess of scruple can be seen as a disadvantage and draw accusations of undue softness and ineffectiveness.
There is thus a premium on talking and acting tough, something that is daily on display in the TV commentaries and tweets that reflect the preoccupations of national authorities and media.

In our own neighbourhood there is constant exchange of antagonistic talk which has a dynamic of its own and makes it ever more difficult to discharge even the inescapable minimum functions of exchange between contesting nations, like family visits or border management. The result is that neighbourhood relations in South Asia are in unaccustomed deep freeze, even though that brings no advantage to anyone.

Traditional diplomacy, amoral though it may often be, would drive the parties towards dialogue and compromise, but in the present state of affairs that does not seem the preferred choice on either side and it is sometimes hard even to recall that the hallmark of our regional diplomacy has been an active search for solutions to the many problems that divide us. Nor do we always recollect that time and again we have taken the initiative to enter into dialogue with our neighbours in an attempt to contain differences and find peaceful ways of resolving problems.

Narendra Modi Through this process we have built up a substantial experience of dialogue and negotiation with our close neighbours, especially Pakistan, through which many possibilities of better ties have been explored, and at times glimmerings of possible agreement have been identified. These efforts did not lead to any sort of final conclusion but they merit more attention than they currently receive, and the long-standing quest for peace and reconciliation should not be drowned out in the unfriendly clamour that marks the current exchanges.The good foreign policy governance we seek rests ultimately on the maintenance of peace and tranquility which is our abiding preoccupation in a troubled and dangerous world.
Although this is a period of testy exchanges and low expectations there have been moments of entirely different import driven by leadership that keeps returning to the hope of establishing better neighbourhood ties. Prime Minister Narendra Modi, notwithstanding his hardline image, has made some striking gestures aimed at better ties within the region, beginning with his invitation to leaders of countries around India, including Pakistan,to attend his inauguration, and followed by further unexpected friendly gestures which were well received and created expectation of better times ahead. Unfortunately, these hopes were belied and Narendra Modi's initiatives did not lead to reversal of adverse trends, but they helped create a mood of improved expectations, in contrast to the more frequent harshness of thebilateral exchanges.
As it happened, it was only an evanescent change of mood before unfriendly and antagonistic exchanges again held sway, and New Delhi's desire to turn the page thus yielded little and India's efforts to improve matters proved to have been unavailing.

Yet, as Mr. Modi'srepeated efforts have emphasized, the attempt to improve relations has its own value and the benefits of cooperation with neighbours are irreplaceable. So there is good reason for renewed effort to try to overcome setbacks. Nor can there be any let-up in the attempt to curb fanatics bent on engineering violence with the aim of disrupting normal relations. To deal with these matters and deliver the results we seek in the present uncertain environment is a big challenge for the country. The international dimension of the issue has been emphasized by the unexpectedly forthright denunciation by President Trump of Pakistani actions to shield dangerous terrorists and provide safe havens for persons engaging in disruptive activity.

Yet, as PM Modi's repeated efforts have emphasized, the attempt to improve relations has its own value and the benefits of cooperation with neighbours are irreplaceable. So there is good reason for renewed effort to try to overcome setbacks.
Nor can there be any let-up in the attempt to curb fanatics bent on engineering violence with the aim of disrupting normal relations.
To deal with these matters and deliver the results we seek in the present uncertain environment is a big challenge for the country. The international dimension of the issue has been emphasized by the unexpectedly forthright denunciation by President Trump of Pakistani actions to shield dangerous terrorists and provide safe havens for persons engaging in disruptive activity.
US warnings about terrorism are a further reminder that there can be no good governance without preservation of national security. This is the ineluctable responsibility of the Centre and now requires enhanced attention in view of the enlarged challenges before the nation.
Presently, the country's defences are in good shape and are considered capable of withstanding any direct challenge, yet there is no room for complacency, for this is a time of rapid global change when new securityrelated issues have arisen. Among these are maritime questions that seldom drew much attention in earlier days but have now become more insistent.

For India, the inviolability of the Indian Ocean is an important strategic goal, so it is a matter of considerable concern that there has been a substantial expansion of the presence of external powers in the near waters around the country. The main inroads have been made by China, which has enlarged its presence in the Indian Ocean and developed its relations with island countries like Sri Lanka and Maldives, thereby establishing a maritime presence that adds a new dimension to regional affairs.

In contrast, India has not comparably developed and consolidated its maritime presence in a manner that would serve to maintain its accustomed salience within the region. It is in this context that new ideas like 'The Quad' have emerged–i.e. a four-part consultation process between India, Japan, Australia, and the US, which could act as a counterpoise to the growing Chinese presence.

China's entry onto the scene is already highly visible in Gwadar where it has joined Pakistan in setting up the CPEC which is a development corridor reaching from the Arabian Sea into Central Asia. To be taken into account, too, is the newly developed Chinese base near Djibouti at the Horn of Africa.

Donald Trump While these sovereign entities have chosen their own course in these matters, it cannot but be a matter of concern that India's role as the provider of regional security and balance could have been affected, and its customary close understanding with its maritime neighbours may now require re-shaping.
Elsewhere within the region, too, there are signs of long-established relationships coming under question, as China's regional impact becomes stronger: nowhere is this more evident than in dealings with Nepal which has a uniquely intimate relationship with India, the two entities being bound to each other by history, culture, religion, and ethnicity, as well as sharedeconomic interests.
Over the last couple of years there have been severe hiccups in bilateral ties that have distanced the two countries from each otherand their differences on some issues have not been bridged. As a result, for India the impregnable wall of the Himalayas behind which it had always felt psychologically secure has been breached, and new lines of access from the mountains to the Indian heartland have been developed.

Diplomatic ground has been lost and Indian primacy in the region where it has always been the key has come under challenge. Renewed and betterjudged diplomatic effort is needed to set the balance right. Though new difficulties have arisen, India is advancing and becoming a weightier factor in international affairs. It may still be some time before it can achieve its aspirations for a permanent seat in the UN Security Council but its strengthening international role is not to be denied.

India has always been a staunch supporter of the United Nations where it has done much to strengthen international peace and good order. Having been a frequent victim of terrorism, it has taken the lead in trying to concert international action to avert danger from that source. Some useful results have been achieved

Both India and the USA have plugged for strongly nationalistic trade and economic policies and their interests diverge on some matters like visas and commercial access, among others. India's conspicuous divergence from the USA on the matter of designating Jerusalem as capital of Israel, and that too at a time when the Israeli PM made an official visit to India, is a striking assertion of its own long-established view on this contentious issue. It has taken good, steady governance to reach this point in the India- US relationship where,despite differences on several issues,friendly cooperation between the two countries has been maintained and expanded. Without mutual forbearance, the balance could easily have swung the other way.

and the pressure on terrorists and their backers has increased. This is all to the good but proper governance requires ensuring that there is no internal development to place at risk individuals who may have wrongly come under the security scanner.
There is a mounting tally of incidents against minority communities that belie our claim to be a tolerant and inclusive society, and such incidents have the unhappy consequence of diminishing our status internationally, for there are many people in many countries who keep careful watch and voice their censure at anything that looks like derogation from the high standards we profess andmaintain. In this, the ruling authorities are often accused of being laggard in responding to sectarian and human rights problems within the country,which can damage the country's image and reduce its greatly valued soft power abroad.
As there is no impermeable dividing line between external and domestic affairs, it is all the more important that matters of perception of how such matters are seen abroad receive due attention in projection of foreign policy goals.
In the most recent phase of the country's affairs the relationship with the US has been enlarged and become a more significant part of our general connections with the world. It was not always so, and India's nonaligned orientation meant that there was some wariness in its dealings with the super powers, especially USA. That is now a matter of the past and relations between India and the USA have steadily grown in the last two or three decades. It began with the nuclear deal that removed prohibitions on India that had been imposed by nuclear powers led by the USA, and the way was opened for a much more fruitful and cooperative relationship between the two countries. Since then India has been able to look to USA for many of its development requirements, including strategic goods, and to develop extensive trade in such items.
Political cooperation has also advanced quite remarkably, to the extent that the two countries have been able to make common cause on issues like the 'Quad' that nudges them towards shared activity in the 'Indo- Pacific' - itself an innovative term that acknowledges theimportance of India's status in that region.

Asean Leaders with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at Rashtrapati Bhavan While developing its ties with the USA and finding a measure of strategic convergence with that country India has felt it necessary not to be drawn too close to it, for there are points of divergence that must also be taken into account. The blunt and uncompromising present-day US style can create awkward diplomatic situations, even for friendly countries like India, and highlight policy differences. Both India and the USA have plugged for strongly nationalistic trade and economic policies and their interests diverge on some matters like visas and commercial access, among others. India's conspicuous divergence from the USA on the matter of designating Jerusalem as capital of Israel, and that too at a time when the Israeli PM made an official visit to India, is a striking assertion of its own long-established view on this contentious issue.
It has taken good, steady governance to reach this point in the India-US relationship where,despite differences on several issues,friendly cooperation between the two countries has been maintained and expanded. Without mutual forbearance, the balance could easily have swung the other way.

A difficult and divisive issue that has become increasingly visible on the international agenda is that of the environment. This has become an outstanding global concern, and the doomsday scenario of the consequences of environmental deterioration has made this one of the most compelling public health issues in India as revealed in the marked increase in the country's respiratory problems.

India unfortunately has not kept pace with many others in taking effective measures to address the issue: not so long ago Beijing was the major example of urban pollution but China has worked successfully to reverse the trend. By contrast, India has declined further among affected countries, and there has been a serious effect on the health of its citizens. In international forums India continues to demand special consideration in meeting stricter norms of pollution control, pointing out that it is a developing country historically affected by the industrializing countries thatlooked after their own concerns without paying heed to the broader global interest.

The 'Look East' policy that has been a driver of India's approach to Asia for the last few decades will be strengthened and expanded by this initiative. ASEAN is a pragmatic, down-toearth grouping that has worked successfully to improve the living standards of its members and has much to offer its associates, by way of partnership and also by way of example. It has taken some time for ASEAN to be responsive to the idea of closer partnership with India, as it wished to keep clear of the political issues that seemed attached to the arrangement. If the earlier inhibitions have now been set aside, that should mean more beneficial arrangements and useful exchanges between India and this fast-moving part of Asia.

India's complaint is just, for, like so many others among the developing world,in this matter it is more sinned against than sinning, but that is small comfort to the suffering population of a megalopolis like Delhi where health issues weigh heavily on society. Setting acceptable norms for industrial standards is something on which India and China have been able to make common cause in the past, which canserve as a reminder of the more positive possibilities of the relations between these two Asian giants. Creating a climate of peace and cooperation is the abiding foreign policy challenge, and this requires equable and collaborative relations within the region as a whole. India is taking steps to expand the area of friendly cooperation, to which end it took the imaginative step of inviting the Heads of the ASEAN countries to Delhi as collective Chief Guests at the forthcoming Republic Day celebrations. This is a further expansion of the effort to strengthen links with South East Asia, which is already emerging as an important partner for the future. The 'Look East' policy that has been a driver of India's approach to Asia for the last few decades will be strengthened and expanded by this initiative. ASEAN is a pragmatic, down-to-earth grouping that has worked successfully to improve the living standards of its members and has much to offer its associates, by way of partnership and also by way of example. It has taken some time for ASEAN to be responsive to the idea of closer partnership with India, as it wished to keep clear of the political issues that seemed attached to the arrangement.

If the earlier inhibitions have now been set aside, that should mean more beneficial arrangements and useful exchanges between India and this fast- moving part of Asia. It is an example of how good governance in foreign policy can open new possibilities and bring tangible advantages to the country's economic and social progress.

The author is an eminent diplomat. He has been India's Foreign Secretary and High Commissioner to the United Kingdom.